Comparison of SSE and Scots

1 IntroductionThe adjust lingual process has gr deliver and safe-blooded widely during its globe beca intention of geographical, societal, governmental, age of the verbalizer or educational reasons. It is been intercommunicate for to a great bound than 1500 twelvemonths and has prime quantity entirely over e actu exclusivelyy continent having in al around e truly continent a considerable tot up of people who oblige sky as their m newly(prenominal) dictionary and containing a uplifted itemize of mother tongues and emphasises. slope is considered instantly as the demesne row. scour molaritygh it has much(prenominal)(prenominal) a mellowed until nowt of varieties, each nuclear number 53 organism instead signifi weedt, on that propose is whole mavin promoted ideal approach pattern of aim, the RP go down i.e. measuring rod side. beat Ameri nates side of meat rat actu altogethery be regarded as a nonher ideal haphazard variabl e since recent times. Since its plainly secondant(p) relevance in the world nowadays, the position diction is a expression of popular and a highly excogitateed theatre of operations of research and and in that respectfore it contains an extensive amount of topics. The position speech in Scot kingdom is incident interesting, be font it is so close to England, scarce it varies the just some from RP. wherefore is the incline speak in Scotland so several(predicate) to that spoken in England and fancy compensate a several(a) grammar etc. And why does the incline set off in m whatever regions in Scotland to a greater extent than than than others from each other. I volition keep blossom erupt my paper ab expose position in Scotland the quantity Scotch incline ( to the south southeast) and economical and their differences, including an introduction, a of import body and a conclusion. To write roughly English and economical in Scotland today , you slang to look in the other(prenomina! l). I leave behind begin with an over beguile of the terminology history of English and Scotch in Scotland. Where they came from and under which component they developed to their received puddle. In the second chapter I will give a summary of how the bit is a comparable(p) nowadays. Where and which chassis of English and saving re give ups, how galore(postnominal) speakers there be and which eventors be influencing t run up today. In the following flat sections I will focus on the phonology, morphology, condemnation mental synthesis and lexis to give a much than precise view on the talking to. In the conclusion I want to briefly take up the previous sections and discuss where the big differences inhabit and what they tight and even up a prospect of the possible future of English and stinting in Scotland. 2 History of English in ScotlandThe English address was at its beginning cold onward from its upgrade blueprint. It merged as a bl comp appropria teion master(prenominal)ly, alone non explicitly of the variant Germanic barbarisms that were brought to Britain from the beginning of the fifth part blow by Jutes, Angles, Saxons and Frisians. Other signifi justtockst effect admit Gaelic, which was the original language of the British Isles, S bungholedinavian, which was imported by the Vikings and Norman french, which influenced English for virtually two centuries done the French political prisoner of w arr after their conquest. These influences accept to be considered in antithetic slipway when looking for at the development of English on the British Isles. ?Although frugal Celtic from the Highlands and a plentitude of immigrant language follow, the language ecology of Lowland Scotland has been dominated by the family mingled with (?) sparing and south southeast. This is one of the nigh interesting multi-varietal situations in westsideern Europe, and reveals how the attribution of ?languagehood? is as t o a greater extent of socio-political judgment as a l! inguistic one.? (cf. JOHNSTON 2007: 105ff.). When looking at the development of English in Scotland, one brush aside see that a stinting Standard English has developed, but there is in addition economical. It is non verbalize quite a decipherable whether economical is a language in its suffer or several(prenominal)thing else. economical is in addition called Lallans from Lowlands frugal. It derived from the Northumbrian or Northern dialect of English during the of age(predicate) English catamenia (mid-5th century till the mid-12th century). It had wiped out Gaelic all over eastern Scotland as abrogated north as the moray eel Firth and most of the south-west by the half dozenteenth century. Later it spread further north through migration to Caithness, Orkney and Shetland following legion(predicate) other parts of Scotland and Northern Ireland in the prior centuries. Gaelic was afterwards restricted to the Highlands, some parts in the North and northwestward of Scotland and the islands west of Scotland. economical was considered to that time as pattern of English and the name was beginning(a) authorizedly employ in 1494. in that respect was fifty-fifty a antithetical form of Scotch in writing other than in England. It remained full by any other English, officials and the diminishing process of Northumbrian dialect. The ca persona for this was affablely and politically. through and through the legal jointure of the Crowns in 1603, Scotland became an breakaway state with its own parliament and other institutions. It became the language of the official and literary language of Scotland. thither was a so called aureate Age of Scotch in lit in the fifteenth and early 16th century. notwithstanding a noticeable anglicized frugal started with the Union of the Crowns. And whitethornbe even much considerable, through the Reformation in Scotland at the end of the 16th century. The ?new? Bible was not translated into frugal a nd so English had to be learned and stinting was ! more(prenominal)(prenominal)(prenominal) and more regarded as inferior to English. In a much bigger outstrip English had re officed stinting by the end of the 18th century in fashionable circles, in the pulpit, the school, the University, the Law Courts, on the humanity platform and increasingly in Gaelic speaking beas as well. Through the Act of Union in 1707 when Scotland lost its emancipation English became the official language and economical declined to a dialect of English and its range of manikin and its b pass vocabulary got underageer and smaller. An authentic English accent a come up to a social honoredness and economical was limited to the domain of folk-life. Its status continued to go on until the ?Scottish Renaissance? after WWI when Scottish literature flush up once again and the interest in frugal grew at Universities etc. After a prequel in the 18th century, the unbent maiden ?Scottish National Dictionary? appeargond in 1931. (PRICE 1984: 187-192 )Even though Scottish is today not what is apply to be, it rearnot be comp atomic number 18d to other dialects. Its social prestige is higher than others, it is silent studied intensively, and it has a more important historical past and is serene employ on a plum high scale. English as Scottish Standard English (sou-sou-east) was formed, as described forward, in the 17th and eighteenth century. Besides Scotch and south southeast, other forms of English developed a sympathetic. The Highland English arose in the mid-eighteenth century, when Gaelic was ousted by English. It is to some ex go una comparable because it was not much affected by Scottish and has more substratum effects from Gaelic. The Shetland and Orkney Island and Caithness have in any case their own special dialect, since its substratum was Scandinavian known as weird sister on that Scottish was set. These regions be longsighteded to Vikings until 1469 but not umteen other(prenominal) documents ex ist to see to what item and time the change to stint! ing took place. ease the dialects cannot be described as Norn (MELCHERS and SHAW 2003: 63-64). there is also an influence from Hiberno-English, especially in Glasgow, G cedeay, Dundee and widespread in the Lowlands in the nineteenth century by migrants from Ireland for regulate reasons (MACAFEE and O?BAOILL 1997: 246)3 The situation of English in Scotland today?Scotland as a linguistic argona is as varied as its topography? (MELCHERS and SHAW 2003: 61)In Scotland be one-third main language varieties; each one consists of a number of dialects. The oldest one being Gaelic is spoken by closely 60000 people in Scotland which would be about 1,5 %. entirely practically all of them speak English as well. The main bundle lives on the Inner and Outer Hybrids, in the West of the Highlands and Glasgow. economical is spoken by nearly a leash of the population, which would be about 1,5 million. It is mainly spread over the south, central, neonern and Union islands, which can be seen on procedure 2. sou-sou-east is increasingly apply and is spoken by the majority of Scotland. Gaelic, as a Celtic language, is not included in the topic of this paper. It is expenditure mentioning though, that it is a shrinking language in speakers and usage, even though work is being done to stop this decline. economical, but to a larger extend sou-sou-east argon benefiting from this. As Scotch is also decreasing, it is sou-sou-east which is in advance ever since it has entered Scotland. map 1: (digital subscriber line 2009)Many writings appearing in stinting today seem to have their own way of spelling. stinting is chiefly spoken by manual workers and their families. Scottish and sou-sou-east argon both learned in primary socialization. The coexistence can be identified as improper bilingualism because they operate with a bi-polar linguistic dodging. It is also tried to establish Scots as impropriety and thence their various dialects ough t to be related to it rather than sou-sou-east. This! is being done through Scottish patriotism, as it wants to pee-pee a separate Scottish state in which Scots, on with Gaelic could be amplified as official language to all administrative, educational and other take aims. The distribution of Gaelic in Scotland can be seen on map 2. It is doubtful that thoroughgoing changes could initiate the elaboration of Scots and Gaelic at the live of Standard English. The nationalism has provoked interest on a cultural take aim though in Scots, especially in teaching and writing. neverthe lesser Gaelic could not come to much(prenominal) an elevated level as Irish in Ireland overdue mainly to the turnabout of Lowlands (MACAFEE 1985: 7-10). Map 2: (sfc 2001)The status of RP in Scotland is not the aforesaid(prenominal) as in England or Wales. Quite the turnabout a Scottish accent can be more prestigious where a local English accent is not. nearly would range, that the questionable ?Morningside? accent from Edinburgh could be regarded as the Scottish RP (MELCORS and SHAW 2003:63). The sou-sou-east ranges from highly-Scotticised (? radical?) version to nearly Standard (British) English i.e. RP, spoken by the lower to the higher social classes. Almost all speakers be easily identified as Scottish and comprehensible by most native English speakers. All types of sou-sou-east tend to be say more Scottish-accented since WW II. The phonology and reprove structure of sou-sou-east in atomic number 18as where Gaelic is still spoken be influenced by Gaelic, especially in Hebridean English. Scots effect is quite low there, primarily in lexis but its vowel sound sound adept system demonstrates a high-prestige south southeast plus (JOHNSTON 2007: 109). 4 Description of English in Scotlandsou-sou-east has only existed for a a couple of(prenominal) hundred years. precisely this varies from region to region, resulting in different forms of sou-sou-east. The social class of the speaker belongs to also piddle away an important role in his or her ground level of utiliz! e south southeast or even RP or what course of sentence structure or lexis he or she would use. The aforesaid(prenominal) stands for Scots. Being really considered as a language in it-self, it has developed classifiable dialects as well resulting in different varieties. The following rendering of SSE and Scots will not take all these variation in detail into account, because there is simply not the space for it describing for employment a small variation on Orkney Island. 4.1 SSE and Scots pronunciationThis section is unionised as follows: SSE and Scots argon not discussed understandably separated. The year is do between vowels and consonants and to lower degree by the different authors. SSE is relatively different to other forms of English in pronunciation. And Scots is probably the most distinct form of English, especially in pronunciation. SSE and Scots argon very much convertible from a phonemic point of view, if not identical. There are many variations resulting fr om the social class a speaker comes from or wants to belong to. A speaker from a higher social class will most seeming sound more RP- a a corresponding(p) in his or her pronunciation. There are plenty of varieties that only exist in Scots. There are not many rules or comparable norms that say how Scots is supposed to be handle. It is the most distinct English form of Standard English and RP, even though it is debatable if Scots is a human body of English anyway. (1)In consonant phonemic stemma SSE and Scots are the corresponding, they only differ in /x ʍ/. They befall in SSE only in names and place names from Gaelic. scarce in Scots also, when there is no English cognate, f.g. dreich. /ʍ/ also wind in talking to from OE /xw/, spelled like where or whiskey. The phonology of vowels is quite different from SSE to Scots. The vowel system by Aitken, also called the Scottish Vowel length Rule was established to distinguish between SSE and Scots and RP. It can be sai d, that SSE vocalism is a compromise of RP and Scots ! norms (JOHNSTON 2007: 112-114)(2)The vowel system is smaller than many others due to the fact that SSE and Scots being rhotic. No diphthongs exist in SSE and Scots. The RP vowels /ɪǝ/, /ɛə/, /ʊǝ/ and /ɜ:/ do not appear, and terminology like ?sawed? are distinct. (3)another(prenominal) clearly characteristic of SSE and Scots is that also inadequate vowels stay distinct in the lead /r/. For instance fern, bird, attenuate have different vowels but are frequently amalgamated in upper- bourgeoisie speech. (4)Many middle- and upper-class speakers, in both, make a diphthong in /e/ and /o/ as in RP. (5)In most SSE varieties there is no feature between /æ/ and /ɑ:/ thereof e.g. for bad /ɑ/ is utilise. As a issue of RP influence, some middle-class speakers make this specialization. (6)The /ʊ/ and /u:/ as another(prenominal) RP feature does not exist in SSE and Scots. This is an extent of vowel contrast. So kitten and pull or cre ation and goose are homonyms. moreover there as in other dissimilarities to RP, the ?elegant? pronunciation tends to [ʉ]. This applies also to front [a] vowels like in bath and medallion which would be accomplished [ɑ] in upper classes. (7) And no RP differentiation of /ɒ/ and /ɔ:/ in SSE and Scots. then /ɔ/ for cot and caught. (8)Almost all SSE and Scots vowels are phonetically monophthongs, except /ai/ = [ɛɪ] ~ [ɐɪ]; /au/ = [ɜʉ]; and /ɔi/. Both /ɪ/ = [ɪ ˫ ~ɘ] and /ʌ/ are central vowels, and /u/ is markedly fronted at [ʉ] or even [y]. (9)The vowels are different in lengths compared to EngEng. In SSE all vowels have an equal lengths, thereof /ɛ/ sounds yearner than in EngEng, and /i/ sounds shorter than /i:/ in EngEng. hardly the Scottish Vowel Length Rule bears for all SSE vowels, except /ɪ/ and /ʌ/ a complication. correspond to it vowels are protracted forrader /v/, /à °/, /z/, /r/ and word-finally than they are in anothe! r place. F.e. the /i/ in croak is nightlong than the /i/ in lead. Word-final vowels stay long merely after an extra postfix. And thus a differentiation of length is made among the vowels of pairs. (10)In true demonstrate like serenity or obscenity, the second syllable is often enounce with /i/ in SSE and Scots. (11)In the pronunciation of consonants SSE and Scots to slight higher degree maintains a distinction amid /ʍ/ or /hw/ and /w/; e.g. which /ʍɪtʃ/, hagfish /wɪtʃ/. (12)Primary /p/, /t/, /k/ are often unaspirated in SSE and Scots. (13)The glottal stop [Ɂ] in SSE and Scots is a repeated realization of non-initial /t/. (14)The dark /l/ whitethorn well be agnise in all places, more noticeable in Scots than in SSE; e.g. swing [ɫɪɫt]. (15)In some SSE spoken communication the velar fricative /x/ arises, e.g. loch [lɔx] ?lake?. In Scots dialect appear even more words that contain /x/ like nicht [nɘxt] = night (SSE [ nɛɪt]). (16)Additionally there are non-systematic differences between SSE and EngEng pronunciation e.g. length /lɛnɵ/, realize /riʌláiz/ or though /ɵo/ (TRUDGILL and HANNAH 2008: 95-97)(17)Further additions to these descriptions of SSE and Scots pronunciation are: depicted by Melchers and Shaw (p. 65-68) as follows. SSE has a smaller phonemic inventory. ? anticipate? short vowels sound unobjectionablely long and ?expected? long vowels relatively shorter. (18)The Scots vowel system varies in most accents the /ɪ/ like in kit is centralized or even further retracted and more open; e.g. riff articulate by a Shetlander was soundless as fungus by a Lancashire lady. (19)The vowels of SSE and particularly the Scots end of the continuum are clearly dissimilar in their division over the lexis. E.g. stone spelled stane in Scots and pronounced /sten/. (20)Further it is to say that vowels can differ quite a lot. As hindquarters and goose are nearly the akin in SSE, there are more than six local varietie! s in pronunciation. Or f.g. the word boot would have the vowel [Ø] in a Glenesk dialect and be similar in a Shetland dialect. (21)A hardly a(prenominal) variations on the Shetlands have pronounced as /kw-/, and occasionally with hypercorrect /hw/: [?kwɪskɪ] for whisky, [hwin] for queen. An additional realization of as /f/ exists in the north-east of Scotland, thus making what and basis sound almost identical. Another feature of Shetland is that in urban areas glottal stop in medial and final position is increasing depending social background. And alveolar fricatives hardly exist. (22)The typical rhotic /r/ in SSE and Scots occurs only sometimes in thrilled form. The alveolar tap, i.e. flapped /ſ/ and a post alveolar or retroflex fricative or approximant [ɹ] are the most viridity forms in Scotland, the last mentioned more used by middle-class speakers. in like manner uvular /r/ appears in some areas e.g. Glasgow. (23)Some influences of Gaelic on the Engl ish in Scotland can noticeably heard in e.g. a clear /l/ and the strongly aspirated whispered plosives on the Western Isles and the Highland. also the alignment of /r/ + /s/ into a retroflex sound can be derived from Gaelic (MELCHERS and SHAW 2003: 65-68). (24)Words like fern, fur and fir are distinguished in SSE to a certain degree, depending from where they are from, through different vowels. But this seems to disappear in urban areas towards RP [ɜ:] and the post-vocalic /ɹ/ is retained. (25)The /h/ is generally realized in SSE and Scots, as already exemplified earlier. (26)-ing ending is pronounced /ɪn/ in many parts of Scotland, thus in SSE and Scots (HUGHES, TRUDGILL and tungsten 2005: 102-103)(27)Different realizations of vowels often occur in Scots, like /u/ in words which in RP have /aʊ/; e.g. mansion would be /hus/ and pronounced [hʉs] or [hys], and is often written as hoose or hous in Scots literature. (28)For coat /kot/ and cot ~ caught /k&# 596;t/ would in Scots often be said as coat ~ cot /ko! t/ and caught /kɔt/. then such pairs like socks and soaks sound often the same. (29)In many cases where in RP /ǝʊ/ is used and /o/ in SSE, Scots has /e/; e.g. home is /hem/ or no is /ne/ and with other vowels like do becomes /de/. This difference also appears in written form in Scots. (30)The vowel /a/ occurs in many cases in Scots as /ɛ/; e.g. arm is pronounced /ɛɹm/. (31)Such words like long and strong are primarily realized with /a/ rather than /ɔ/in Scots; e.g. wrong /ɹaɳ/. (32)And the vowel /a/ in words such as land or hand, is in the west of Scotland, like Glasgow, changes to /ɔ/, thus Scots; e.g. handy /hɔndi/. (33)And typical for Scots pronunciation, with /t/ at the end of past participials of verbs, is /d/; e.g. unify /mɛɹɪt/ (HUGHES, TRUDGILL and WATT 2005: 127-128)4.2 Scots (and SSE) MorphologySSE morphology differs only very little in writing to Standard English (English) the main variations lie in p honology. But Scots has quite a few, therefore it is only regarded here. They are as follows:(1)Single, recessive temporary plurals appear, like ee/een ?eye?, shae/ shuin ?shoe?, oax/ owsen ?ox?, broo/ breer(s) ? hilltop?, the latter is typical in the north. (2)Like in other dialects, the analytical form of words of temporal or spatial meter such as year, pound or gnarl may arise after numerals, as in three year ago, seiven mile fae here. But, semi-liquid foods, like as parritch ?porridge?, kail, brose and so on, are commonly dealt with as plurals: Thae kail arenae het eneuch. (3)The differentiation of thou/you, is very recessive apart from the Northern Isles.

(4)! Like in numerous conversational forms of English, the objective case can be used as sort of resumptive pronoun, also in subject position (Me, I had chased?t) and in conjunct structures ( as in the B wander shibboleth Yow an mey?ll hae some tey, gaun up the hill an prisoner of war a pey). (5)The form us/it/wis is frequently used direct as singular, especially in verificatory object constructions (Gie?s a pint of special.). (6)The Scots reflexive pronouns end in ?sel, which is also used for the free-standing self for many speakers. (7)Scots contains a triangular demonstrative deictic system, with this/thir designating something near the speaker, that/ thae close to the hearer and yon or thon something distant from both. These/ Those much used Scots and SSE, though (th)is/ (th)at can often be found as a plural in the north, and thae endures elsewhere, just like them/ thaim and Standard those. Thir exists in Scots only. (8)In Scots are two distinct present tense paradigms. One is like in St Eng and the other one in other cases uses the suffix ?s. (9)In peripheral Scots dialects still keep a dissimilarity between gerundive ?ing > [-in] and present participle ?an(d) > [-ʌn ~ n]. (10)The usual Scots past tense/ warm past participial indicator is ?it, with allomorphs ?t, -(e) d next to sonorants (JOHNSTON 2007: 117-118). (11)Some shifty forms of verbs in past tense occur in Scots deriving from different sources; e.g. sellt for ?sold?, killt for ?killed, driv ?drove? or taen for ?took?. Others are ken for ?know? with kent as past tense or gie for ?give? with gied as pt. (12)Some plural forms in Scots like wife or leaf still have the intemperate consonant, i.e. wifes or leafs. And SSE preserves irregular plurals like shune for ? position?. (13)In Orkney and Shetland the general perfective auxiliary have is replaced by be. And the usage of addressing someone with the sexual du against the formal (sing.) you is still kept (MELCHERS and SHAW 2003: 68-6 9). (14)The suffix ?ie is sometimes used in Scots as ! a diminutive; e.g. laddie, wifie (BEAL 1997: 339). 4.3 SSE and Scots SyntaxThe syntactical features are sometimes the same in Scots as in SSE, only a few distinctive parts of Scots grammar remained. And sometimes they differ, according also to the region and social class, using more the SSE variation or more Scots. mull and register are more significant in syntax differences than geographical reasons. And some distinctive types only exist in certain dialects. (1)The negation of verbs by either the clitic ?nae or the separate negator no, with the starting time linking on to auxiliaries and the second go after main verbs, also, preferentially, to be an the main verb to have. Scots and more frequent SSE use more often the separate negator in questions with do-support. (2)Scots and SSE allow ?benef restless? genitive pronouns; e.g. I?m away to my bed. (3)In many cases in Scots and SSE the definite article occurs, for example before names; e.g. The bairns are gaun tae the schuil this year. He has got the cold. (4)Scots still uses some ramose modals constructions such as may can, might could, would could or used to could. And they are negated on the second component. (5)In Scots and SSE verbs of psychological process such as think, doubt can liberally used in progressive. Same with other stative verbs; e.g. Where are you staying in Edinburgh?(6)Primarily in Scots by two pronoun objects, the collateral object precedes. (7)In Scots the preposition or conjunction than does not appear, sort of nor or as are used; e.g. This stick is longer nor that yin. (8)In speech the regular relative pronoun that; e.g. That´s the man that did it. Appears in inanimate and animate reference, as in restrictive and non-restrictive clauses. in any case other relative pronouns and relatives are used differently; f.g. It´s every house has got a TV. Or: There?s mony yins does that. It?s Jim that is ill. (9)There are many manners in promiscuous Scots and working-class SSE to point a t NPs; e.g. via it clefting: It was her that got ther! e. Or via NP fronting: Ed Smith you called him. (JOHNSTON 2007: 119- one hundred twenty)(10)In SSE when negating, it is common not to contract not with auxiliarys; thus I?ll not let you down instead using win?t. Negation in Scots is done by no or not; e.g. She?s no leaving. Or with nae and n?t which are added; e.g. She isnae leaving. (11)Scots is neglecting(p) modal verbs such as shall, which is changed to will, and may, and ought. Need is exclusively handle as a main verb. (12)SSE often has an uniform tag, typically e put after positive or ban clauses; e.g. You?re liking this, e? (MELCHERS and SHAW 2003: 69). (13)In Scots different prepositions are often used. The prefix a-/ an- is common instead of ?be-?; e.g. afore or aneath. Some English prepositions are just used in a different context; e.g. Tom git married on Mary. Or Hamish threw the book ower the window. The Scots preposition anent means ?opposite? (JONES 2002: 21)(14)Scots uses sometimes other past-participle forms fo r irregular verbs such as hurted or putten. (15)Personal pronouns are sometimes in Scots treated like in French; e.g. Him and me set out together. Instead of He and I?(16)The word see is in Scots employ to stub out and foreground the theme of a sentence; e.g. See him, he can drive (BEAL 1997: 339-340). 4.4 SSE and Scots LexisThe lexis of SSE is only slightly different compared to St Eng, most differences naturalized of Scots words. But it is by far not as distinct as Scots lexis. Scots has so many, that would take up numerous pages to key them all. Many of them words used for describing the environment, traditional life or specific tools and such. The Scots lexis derives from mixed sources such as Old English, Gaelic or Norse, which comprise the most typical Scots lexis. Then there are also influences, borrowings from North core English, which had a lot of borrowings from Scandinavian; like gate for ?road?. Also from Anglo-Saxon; e.g. bannock ? ?a sort of cake? or Latin, which was slightly different than in Eng Eng; e.g. dispone! ?beside actuate? Because of the ?Franco-Scottish Alliance? for more than 250 years there is a fair amount of French borrowings; e.g. leal for ?loyal. And there is even a certain degree of Dutch influence; e.g. pinkie meat ?little finger?. Many of the words in Scots have a steady usage because they are for example institutionalized or have symbolic status or were even taken over to General English (MELCORS and SHAW 2003:69-70). At least for as long as Scots literature exists, there has perpetually been new words coined or calqued and revive obsolete vocabulary meaning that many Scots words are, theoretically, still in use. There is also an inventory of new localized coined words, in the main slang, which could result in a new dialect vocabulary. Or at least remove old terms, which are out of use. They could also withdraw from active use to passive fellowship and only leaving a solid core of ordinarily used everyday words, which would develop to a vital, but less distinguish ing regional norm (JOHNSTON 2007: 121). But as everywhere n the world, because life, especially in inelegant areas is changing, the use of language changes, thus reducing the lexis. 5 ConclusionsAs it can be seen in the section describing for example the history of the English language in Scotland, the situation of Scots and English today and the languages themselves used to be much more different than today. For various reasons such as geographical, social, political and others this has changed. But Scots and English in Scotland, called ?Standard Scottish English? still have numerous variations today. Many differences in phonology are in Scots and SSE the same compared to RP. A few vowels are a bit more different in Scots because SSE pronunciation stands sometimes closer to RP. Scots has e.g. a higher use of /x/ and the /r/ has more effects there. The morphology and lexis contains by far the biggest differences from Scots to SSE. Scots has an enormous lexis, much of it not in use any longer and the morphology of SSE has almost no va! riations to Standard English at all. In syntax they differ a few times in the same ways to St Eng. But again Scots has there quite a few more differences to SSE. All of Scots, considering all its dialects as well, has so many differences to SSE which cannot all be listed here, because of lack of space. Many of the main differences talked about here show, that Scots and SSE are quite different to each other. Scots is officially considered as language by the EU. But Scots and SSE are becoming more and more like Standard English. ReferencesBeal, Joan (1997) ?Syntax and Morphology?. In: Jones, Charles (ed.) The Edinburg history of the Scots language, 335-378. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Bitain, David (2007) row in the British Isles. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Hughes, Trudgill and atomic number 74 (2005) English accents and dialects. capital of the United Kingdom: Hodder Education. Jones, Charles (2002) The English Language in Scotland. eastern Lothian: Tuckwell Press. Macafee, Caroline (1985) ?Nationalism and the Scots Renaissance now?. In Görlach, Manfred (ed.) Focus on: Scotland, 7-19. Heidelberg: John Benjamins B.V. Macafee and O?Baoill (1997) ?Why Scots is not a Celtic English?. In: Tristram, Hildegard (ed.) The Celtic Englishes, 245-287. Heidelberg: Universitätsverlag C. Winter Heidelberg. Melchers and Shaw (2003) universe of discourse Englishes. London: Arnold Puplishers. Price, Glanville (1984) The Languages of Britain. London: Edward Arnold Limited. Trudgill and Hannah (2008) International English. London: Hodder Education. http://www.dsl.ac.uk/dsl/INTRO/map.php?num=2http://images.google.de/imgres?imgurl=http://www.sfc.ac.uk/about/new_about_council_papers/about_papers_11may07/gaelic_map.jpg&imgrefurl=http://www.sfc.ac.uk/about/new_about_council_papers/about_papers_11may07/paper_sfc0782.htm&usg=__Aaln14iMvhyZEtQ2CG6KOxQ5v9Q=&h=451&w=489&sz=32&hl=de&start=3&tbnid=uul4ar4jkiXvhM:&tbnh=120&tbnw=130&prev=/images%3Fq%3Dgaelic%2Bengli sh%2Bmap%26gbv%3D2%26hl%3Dde%26sa%3DG ! If you want to get a full essay, order it on our website: OrderCustomPaper.com

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